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Blavatsky News: Theosophical Socialism and Radical Print Culture
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While Enlightenment radicals and their heirs had seen free print as an agent of revolutionary transformation, socialist, anarchist and other radicals of this later period suspected that a mass public could not exist outside the capitalist system. In response, they purposely reduced the scale of print by appealing to a small, counter-cultural audience. Drawing on under-studied periodicals and archives, this book uncovers a largely forgotten literary-political context.
It looks at the extensive debate within the radical press over how to situate radical values within an evolving media ecology, debates that engaged some of the most famous writers of the era William Morris and George Bernard Shaw , a host of lesser-known figures theosophical socialist and birth control reformer Annie Besant, gay rights pioneer Edward Carpenter, and proto-modernist editor Alfred Orage , and countless anonymous others. There are few books currently in print that demonstrate as firm a mastery of both the historical and the literary aspects of that culture that draw on such a wide range of primary print sources, or that so deftly situate the well-trodden solitary peaks of literary studies.
This book will prove as useful and revelatory to a labor historian as to a book historian, to a student of Modernist aesthetics as to one of socialist politics. In a single term Miller collapses two periods and helps us to understand both better. Literary historians have long identified early twentieth century 'little magazines' as a driver of modernist aesthetics. From early on it ran trade advertisements for other radical papers and publications, although its rejection of regular advertising remained central to its counterprint identity; the editor boasted on 13 March that Justice had survived thus far without receiving a single capitalist advertisement 1.
Conditions of late nineteenth-century mass journalism were such that it was difficult for a paper to survive without advertising. Radical papers kept the low prices but found surviving without advertising difficult. The Clarion , the most mass-oriented socialist paper of the era, ran many advertisements, often with the attention-grabbing fonts of New Journalism. Julia Dawson, a Clarion columnist, defended the paper on this score.
Slow Print: Literary Radicalism and Late Victorian Print Culture
May I beg of my readers to complain to me on any subject except that of the advertisements which appear in our columns. There may, nay, there will come a time when the support of Clarionettes will enable us to be as dainty as we like in these matters, and accept only those advertisements which correspond to our highest ideals. But that time is not yet. Figure 1. Terms of Advertising circular, Commonweal. But, Bax argues, an unregulated press is far from a free press. What are the conditions of the success of a newspaper?
That it should have a good circulation of course, but first and foremost that it should obtain advertisements, the backbone of the newspaper publishing trade being the modern system of advertising. What are the conditions of a circulation and of obtaining advertisements? Obviously that the paper should appear to the interests of those who have money and leisure. Is not the newspaper proprietor himself a capitalist, generally on the largest scale. But some may say surely there must be a large section of the workers who would give an independent organ a circulation. Unfortunately there is not in this country at present.
Literature and the Late‐Victorian Radical Press
The workers have received, where any at all, a class education, having been fed by class literature. This is in the first place. In the second, the middle and upper classes having control of the means of distribution can generally succeed in smothering an organ which is offensive to them. It follows then that our boasted freedom of the press is a snare and a delusion. Free Press indeed! Ye men of England, when will ye forsake these idols, these empty and vapid abstractions— freedom, toleration, equality before the law.
To Bax the long-standing radical ideal of free print is not only misguided but also misguiding, a false ideal that inhibits widespread recognition of the real conditions of print media.
Justice recognized that appealing to the free print ideal could generate widespread sympathy for its program, but it was dubious of the wisdom of such a tactic. But even amid this victory the paper stressed the importance of fomenting economic reform, not settling for the old liberal rights. A letter from correspondent J. Dobbin voiced impatience with the liberal discourse of radicalisms past: Freedom of speech we hold to be one of our inalienable birthrights, and naturally we cling to it.
Free speech to millions of our starving fellow countrymen and women savours too much of middle-class mockery. Dobbin makes an appeal to the workmen of England to unite with us to take hold of the land and the means of production. Harry Quelch, who took over as editor of Justice after H. Hyndman, also felt the danger of a liberal agenda as a distraction from socialist change: Englishmen have always prided themselves upon the enjoyment of rights and privileges which were denied to the people of other countries.
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We, as Englishmen, are constantly being congratulated on the possession of the right of combination, of public meeting, and of free speech. And yet the classes which have controlled all the political as well as all the social forces have permitted the enjoyment of these rights only so long as they have been used either entirely in their interest or with the effect of checking instead of helping on the cause of the workers 19 March 2.
The liberal cause of free print no longer made sense as a galvanizing force within the radical sphere, depriving radical writers and editors of one of the most successful planks in the nineteenth-century radical tradition. In lieu of the free print cause, attention to printing as a capitalist industry became a prominent topic across the radical press. For example, many of those who produced Justice labored in the printing trade; on a list of fifty-nine working men who helped turn out the paper in London, fifteen were compositors and three were otherwise employed in the trade 18 July 5.
The paper depended on volunteer compositors and printers for its production: This journal is written, set up, edited, and in great part distributed gratuitously. We are showing how even a newspaper may be produced under Socialism.
Will not all workers and sympathisers help? Home Links , a short-lived communistic magazine, announced on the inside front cover of its February issue: One or two compositors, willing to render voluntary services for the cause might find a genial home and vegetarian meals provided for them, on application to Mr.
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Gottschling [editor]. Radical papers that did not run their own press had to ensure that the printing firms they used did not exploit workers. The Labour Journal out of Bradford responded in its 25 November issue to a charge made by the Typographical Society that the paper relied on an unfair firm: The firm in question carried on business over miles from Bradford, and therefore it was not easy to know much about it.
Likewise, the Fabian News warned in July that some socialists who in their writings advocate Trade-Unionism, are not sufficiently careful that these very writings are printed in Fair Houses.
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Attention to such issues in radical papers demonstrates that at this time printing represented the endangering of skilled trades by industrial mechanization. Human labor was being pushed out in favor of speedier automation, and consequently print labor developed a special resonance, akin to that of Lancashire textile weavers earlier in the century.
However, this speed came at a cost to workers, which the radical press was at pains to document. The 15 May issue of Labour Leader ran a piece titled Men vs. Machines that focused on the mechanization of printing and the "trouble brewing in. This action might not be possible to undo.